Fellows Talks
Talk by Charlotte Heath-Kelly
Taking Pierre Nora to the Bombsite: Memory, Death and Capital
Dr. Charlotte Heath-Kelly, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and International Relations, Warwick University UK
Thursday April 6, 4-5:30
Humanities Institute Seminar Room, 4th floor of Babbidge Library
Pierre Nora has argued that: ‘we speak so much of memory because there is so little of it left’. For Nora, industrialisation and capitalist acceleration were the destroyers of traditional societal structures. Memory industries emerged as methods by which societies could then imagine continuity and identity in response to social dislocation. This talk takes Pierre Nora, and other scholars of memory’s political economy, to the terrorist bombsite. Building upon their historical sociologies of memorialisation, and using her fieldwork from the reconstruction efforts which followed the 9/11 attacks and European bombings, I explore the sublimation of the memorial (and the dead human) to economic agendas and broader rationales of ‘regeneration’ and urban renewal. In post-terrorist reconstruction, the human subject is profoundly displaced by governance which triages economic injury and blight. Economy thereby emerges as the terrain upon which counterterrorism is fought.
Heath-Kelly’s research focuses on critical analysis of terrorism. Among her publications is Death and Security: Memory and Mortality at the Bombsite (Manchester University Press: 2017) and “The Foundational Masquerade: Security as Sociology of Death,” in Masquerades of War, Christine Sylvester, ed. (Routledge: 2015). She is currently principal investigator on two funded research projects: “Resilience at the Bombsite: Reconstructing Post-Terrorist Space” and “Counterterrorism in the NHS: Prevent Duty Safeguarding and the New ‘Pathology’ of Radicalisation.”
Ssponsored by the Humanities Institute and the Department of Political Science
“Who Deserves a Healthy Life?”
Fellows Talk: Daniel Hershenzon.
March 1, 2017
Daniel Hershenzon (Literatures, Cultures & Languages).
“Captivated by the Mediterranean: Early Modern Spain and the Political Economy of Ransom”
Get to Know Our Fellows: Four Questions with Daniel Hershenzon
Get to Know Our Fellows: Four Questions with Daniel Hershenzon
-What is your academic background and what is your current position in UCHI/at UConn/Your Home Institution?
My first degree, from the University of Tel Aviv, is a double major of Philosophy and History. Before getting this degree , I was studying industrial design. I left the world of design for the university when I realized that I was enjoying the history and theory classes much more than the design workshops. After receiving my B.A., I continued to study towards a Masters degree and in 2004 enrolled in a PhD program in the Department of History at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. I was lucky to spend two years of my graduate studies researching in Spain (in Madrid, Valladolid, Barcelona, and the Canary Islands!), and another year in Florence, Italy, with a postdoctoral fellowship after I graduated. Then, I took my current position at the Department of Literatures, Cultures, and Languages, where I mostly teach medieval and early modern Spanish history.
-What is the project you’re currently working on?
I am completing a book that examines the entangled histories of early modern Spain, Morocco, and Ottoman Algiers, and by extension the entangled lives of Christian and Muslim captives in the region. Captivity was a serious problem in the early modern Mediterranean, and scholars estimate the number of captives, Muslims and Christians, in 2 to 3 millions. The book argues that piracy, captivity, and redemption shaped the sea, a space integrated on the social, economic, and political levels. It demonstrates that despite confessional differences, the lives of Muslim and Christian captives were interrelated and formed part of a single Mediterranean system of bondage. These captivities were connected by a political economy of ransoming shaped by ecclesiastic ransom institutions; Spanish, Ottoman, and Moroccan rulers; captives and kin; and Jewish, Muslim, and Christian ransom intermediaries. They all interacted through texts that captives created and circulated across the sea. The history that emerges from these stories is both local and Mediterranean. It offers a comprehensive analysis of competing Spanish, Algerian, and Moroccan imperial projects intended to shape Mediterranean mobility structures. Simultaneously, the project reveals the tragic upending of the lives of individuals by these imperial maritime political agendas.
-How did you arrive at this topic?
I became interested in captivity when I wrote a seminar paper analyzing the autobiographies of former Spanish captives. I was fascinated by how ex captives sought to convince their readers that they did not convert to Islam during their captivity, and yet, their accounts abound with different forms of religious, cultural, and imperial boundary crossing. I also began to see how problematic the absence of Muslim captives from this history is. Finally, I was struck by the importance of writing for captives—not only as a medium to make claims about one’s past after ransom, but also during captivity. Captives constantly wrote letters trying to arrange their ransom, and in its turn, this epistolary circulation extended the boundaries of maritime communities across the sea, putting captives in charge of channeling information about community members who had died, converted as captives, or suffered martyrdom. As importantly, researching Mediterranean captivity allowed me to spend two years in the Mediterranean.
-What impact might your work have on a larger public understanding of your topic?
As a historian, I engage in debates on the emergence of European territorial identities, cross-Mediterranean maritime networks, the political economy of forced migration, and the struggle between state and church over that mobility’s control and meaning. I do so by analyzing early modern interactions among 17th century Christian and Muslim captives, enslavers, redeeming friars, merchants, and rulers who struggled to shape piracy, slavery, and redemption according to their shifting vision – religious, economic, and political. The multiple cross-maritime interactions I explore do more than counter an image of a declining 17th-century Mediterranean dissolving into nation-states. They force us to rethink early modern Europe and its others questioning how seemingly European territorial identities were shaped by transnational maritime networks and their transformation. In this sense, the framework that my book proposes for the history of the early modern Mediterranean and Europe have repercussions beyond that specific history and can provide a lens through which to understand the current ongoing crisis surrounding mobility across the sea.
Get to Know Our Fellows: Four Questions with Dimitris Xygalatas
I find ritual to be one of the most fascinating aspects of human conduct. It is a truly universal behavior, but we don’t think about it too much – we just do it. As an ethnographer, whenever I ask people why they perform their rituals, they typically respond along these lines: “that’s just what we do”; “we’ve always done it this way”; “this is who we are”. So, there is a sense of salience and sacredness about these practices; people agree that rituals are important to them, but more often than not they have no justification for why they are important. I find this quite puzzling, especially in the context of painful or stressful rituals, so the kinds of questions I am asking are concerned with what these costly activities offer to those who engage in them.
10 Projects, 1 Audacious Goal: Find Solutions to Help Cultivate Healthier Debate and Dialogue in America
UConn’s Humility and Conviction in Public Life project announces $2 million in fellowship grants for projects that will delve into newsrooms, classrooms and the halls of Congress
FELLOWS TALK: Daniel Silvermint
Get to Know Our Fellows: Four Questions with Daniel Silvermint
I received my Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Arizona in 2012, with a dissertation that developed a theory of oppressive burdens, and asked whether victims owed it to themselves to resist. Although my background was in political science and political philosophy, struggling with the agency and obligations of victims made a feminist philosopher out of me. After Arizona, I was a GRIPP/RGCS postdoctoral research fellow at McGill University from 2012-2013. I then joined the University of Connecticut in 2013 as an assistant professor, jointly appointed in Philosophy and the Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies program.
The project is called Complicit Identities: The Ethics of Looking Out For Yourself. While my earlier work focused on the obligation to resist oppression, this project investigates cases where victims stray into complicity simply because of who they are or what they aim to do in life. None of these choices are inherently wrong, but they end up contributing to oppression because of the prior existence of stereotypes, unfair burdens, and other background pressures. An example of a complicit identity is when a gay man or a person of color ‘passes’ as straight or white in order to escape oppressive treatment, but only escapes that treatment in virtue of participating in the very system that constraints them and others like them. What should we say about such passing? Is it wrong because it’s a form of deception or inauthenticity? Does it reinforce stereotypes by removing counterexamples from the public’s view, or harm one’s fellow victims by opting one out of the fight against oppression? These are the most common judgments you hear about passing, and I think they all miss the mark.On my view, passing and more traditional forms of resistance actually share an aim: they’re both attempts to improve one’s life or circumstances in the face of oppression. But whereas resisting victims attempt to improve their well-being by undermining, changing, or escaping the oppressive system that constrains their well-being, passing victims keep those constraints in place, and make the most advantageous trade-off they can under the circumstances. Passing might allow a person to advance her plans and projects, or to cultivate worthwhile connections, or to gain access to valuable goods, but at the expense of her security as she worries about discovery, or her sense of belonging as relationships with family and community fray, or her self-respect as she struggles with how she obtained those goods. The trade-offs vary, but the strategy depends on making such a trade-off: giving up what you can live without to have the life you want. Passing victims are thus complicit in their own oppression, benefiting from a system that’s still ultimately harmful to them. But while that makes passing a limited strategy for improving one’s life, it doesn’t necessarily make it wrong. These victims aren’t failing themselves. They’re looking out for themselves in circumstances they shouldn’t even be in, and more often than not, they’re successful. If we want to engage seriously with questions of victim agency, then we have to move beyond simple dichotomies of good resistance and bad complicity. We need a new ethics of looking out for yourself.
How did you arrive at this topic?
Honestly, it was the realization I described in the last question. Victim agency was more complicated than I was appreciating — maybe even too complicated for the straightforward principles and clean verdicts of academic philosophy. I began my research talking about obligations to self, and why resistance was important for victims. But the more I examined these cases, the more I understood that we don’t actually get very far by talking about resistance. Of course it’s good. The problem is that, for victims, complicity can also be good. It can often unlock all the same benefits as resistance, and do so with diminished risk and fewer potential costs. So we can’t just dismiss complicity as mere selfishness or an insensitivity to the demands of justice. It’s a strategy for dealing with oppressive burdens, not a way to avoid dealing with them.
As you can imagine, I gradually stopped writing about resistance, and the focus of my research changed. And while I was coming to this realization, ‘passing’ was the example I kept coming back to. Partly because it presents a fascinating, messy, real-world dilemma for ethical systems. Partly because it’s so timely, with many recent cases receiving national attention. Partly because there are so many applications, like understanding so-called ‘reverse passing’ and the possibility of trans-race identities, reaching careful conclusions about how to navigate daily life with an ‘inauthentic’ identity, and making sense of invisible disabilities like mental illness. And partly because, well, navigating the pros and cons of passing is personal for me. (You should never 100% trust an academic whose research focus is passing.)
What impact might your work have on a larger public understanding of your topic?
We badly need an ethics of looking out for yourself. The trick is, the phrase ‘looking out for yourself’ has both negative and positive connotations. It can be a term of reproach for individuals that shirk their obligations or opt out of a shared struggle against oppression. But it can also be a term of praise for people that take care of themselves in circumstances that threaten their well-being, and for those who strive to live the life they want despite the burdens they face. Complicit Identity cases are challenging because these individuals ‘look out for themselves’ in both senses of the phrase, upending simple verdicts about the importance of resistance and the impermissibility of complicity. So while my project presents a framework for understanding victimhood and passing that moves beyond familiar, misguided debates about deception and authenticity, I hope it can also say something about a dilemma we all face: how to balance what we owe ourselves with what we owe others in times of injustice.
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